Tshisekedi Proposals to USA re: democratic reforms.

Proposals delivered by Dr. Etienne Tshisekedi to George Bush
administration, and Congress on March 5, urging support for the internal
democratic reforms and dialogue that the renewed Lusaka agreement call for,
which have not yet begun.
.....................................

UNION POUR LA DÉMOCRATIE ET LE PROGRÈS SOCIAL

Proposals to the Bush Administration and to the Congress of the United States
By Dr. Etienne Tshisekedi

National President of the Union for Democracy and Social Progress
Leader of the Non-Violent and Democratic Opposition in Congo
Democratically Elected Prime Minister of the Sovereign National Conference
Last summer, I came to ask to the US Administration and Congress to
pressure Kabila and the belligerents involved in the Congo conflict to
respect and fully implement the Lusaka Accords as the sole solution to the
crisis in Congo and the Great Lakes Region.

I am here today to achieve two objectives:

First of all, to thank the United States for its support in the progress we
have made toward a peaceful resolution of the Congo crisis; and, secondly,
to present concrete proposals regarding the recent developments regarding
the situation in our country. While the death of Mr. Kabila, the main
obstacle to the peace process, opens a window of opportunity, the
prevailing situation in the country is still very explosive and calls for
immediate and urgent actions. Indeed, even though the international
community recognized Mr. Laurent Kabila because he deposed Mr. Mobutu, the
fundamental problem of the legitimacy of power has not been resolved in
Congo.

Mr. Kabila's death poses a grave juridical, political and institutional
problem since the AFDL, which seized power in May 1997 was dissolved.
Kabila's presidential decree-law No. 003 of May 27, 1997 that was imposed
in lieu of a constitution, furthermore, did not articulate either a
procedure for replacing the Head of State or for the delegating in the
event of his death. Decree-law No. 003 was, in fact, a personally tailored
constitution. It arrogated all executive, legislative and judicial power
into the hands of one man -- Laurent Kabila -- and it died with him. And
that is why Joseph Kabila pledged allegiance not to the constitution, which
does not exist, but to the nation.

The decision by the Kabila camp to appoint Joseph Kabila in a chaotic,
arbitrary and familial manner, as President of the Republic only deepened
the juridical and political void and further reinforced the precariousness
of power in Kinshasa. Joseph Kabila's failure to lift the ban on political
activities, his unwillingness to free political opponents and prisoners of
conscience, and his continual arrests of political opponents and
journalists, coupled with his inexperience constitute an additional source
of aggravation of the crisis. The elements I have summarized here
contribute to making every day a highly explosive mixture for my country
and our entire sub-region, any spark could propel us into a catastrophe of
unprecedented human proportions.

The timetable proposed in the recent UN Resolution 1341 and the February
15, 2001 meeting in Lusaka paved the way to begin the implementation of the
Lusaka Accords. It does not take into account, however, the misery of the
Congolese people and the explosiveness of the present situation. Even
though Joseph Kabila has recognized former President Masire as the
Inter-Congolese Dialogue facilitator, he has yet to appoint his
representatives to the preparatory dialogue sessions nor has he allowed for
political parties to freely consult on this matter. He continues to deny to
the opposition access to official media. Meanwhile the facilitator himself
has not called for these meetings and is erroneously linking them to an
eventual invitation to meet with Joseph Kabila that has yet to come.

The present situation calls for an urgent implementation of the Lusaka
Accords and we ask for the United States to support the following actions:

1) To accelerate the arrival of peace by making the disengagement and
withdrawal of all foreign troops and the deployment of peacekeeping forces
immediately effective;

2) To pressure Joseph Kabila to lift the ban on political activities and to
free all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience;

3) To urge former President Masire to convene the preparatory meetings of
the Inter-Congolese Dialogue by the end of this month, March 2001;

4) To release the funds necessary to finance the deployment of the UN
forces and the organization of the Inter-Congolese Dialogue;

5) To accelerate the demobilization and demilitarization of armed militias
present in Congo;

6) To sanction all those who would block or delay the immediate application
of the Lusaka accords; particularly the withdrawal of foreign troops, the
deployment of the UN forces, the organization of the Inter-Congolese
Dialogue, and the demobilization and demilitarization of armed militias;

7) To recognize and support the legitimacy of the conclusions reached by
the Inter-Congolese Dialogue, including the agreed upon legal,
institutional and political framework, and the transitional government of
national unity.

We recall that the fundamental cause of the crisis is the absence of
democracy which has created in turn the absence of the State, raised the
problem of the legitimacy of power in Congo from 1960 until today, and has
transformed the Congo into a juridical, political and economic jungle -- a
fairgrounds.

Our non-violent struggle led to the organization of the Sovereign National
Conference (1991-1992), the most important forum of national negotiations
in the history of Congo. This forum put in place the foundations of a
democratic State of Law including an agreed upon juridical, institutional
and political framework. It was the blockage of these historic acts of the
Sovereign National Conference by Mr. Mobutu and by Mr. Kabila which
perpetuated the juridical, institutional and political crisis up until the
present day in Congo. In this way Congo has become a living hell for the
people of Congo as well as a sanctuary for destabilizing negative forces
from neighboring countries, which in turn have become a source of
insecurity for the latter. As a result, this internal crisis persists and
has spread to the entire region, having Congo as its epicenter,
itsfundamental cause and its principal victim.

By taking the actions recommended here the United States will contribute
decisively to a long lasting solution to the peace and security concerns in
the Congo and the region. Furthermore, these actions will demonstrate the
commitment of the United States to the establishment of the rule of law in
the Congo and create an enabling environment to foster trade and economic
development.

Bordering nine countries and the oil-rich Cabinda enclave, Congo occupies a
unique and strategic position in the heart of Africa. Congo will inevitably
be central to peace and security in the region.

Blessed with abundant resources, a stable Congo could rapidly become a
force for trade and economic development in the region as well as the
entire continent. Under the dictatorial regimes of Mobutu and the Kabilas
the United States and American investors have suffered legal insecurity,
pillaging, and forced disinvestments in Congo. A Congo governed by the rule
of law, on the other hand, will not only avoid these errors of the past but
offer many political and economic benefits to the United States. Private
investment by US businesses will be necessary to rebuild every aspect of
Congo's neglected infrastructure.

The US administration should resist the temptation to once again promote
and legitimize the "strong-man approach" and a new dictatorship. As the
only remaining superpower the United States should seize this opportunity
to support the establishment of strong democratic institutions and credible
leaders, who have proven their resolute and sincere commitment to the
democratic ideal.

Washington, March 5, 2001

Etienne Tshisekedi wa Mulumba

INTER-CHURCH COALITION ON AFRICA (ICCAF)

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