A HISTORY OF THE DRC IN ONE LINE: LEOPOLD, RESOURCES, COUPS, IMPUNITY

In 1998 what became known as Africa’s World War erupted in the Great 
Lakes Region, with the DRC acting as the battlefield for a host of 
African countries. What followed was four years of extraordinary 
violence and a death toll that some put in the millions. Since 2002 a 
peace of sorts has prevailed, but the fall of Bukavu in Eastern DRC in 
late May seemed to put this on shaky ground. Pambazuka News emailed 
questions to Joseph Yav Katshung, Executive Director of CERDH (Centre 
d`Etudes et de Recherche en Droits de l`Homme et Démocratie), to find 
out more about the situation in the DRC.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: What is the aftermath of the failed coup attempt in 
Kinshasa and the crisis in the east of the country? What did actually 
happen and is a clearer picture beginning to emerge as to the 
circumstances of events and the forces at play?

JYK: As may be recalled, the coup attempt took place in early June 
2004. This however must be seen within a greater context. Before this, 
in late May, the city of Bukavu (East of DRC) fell to rebels, who are 
RCD dissidents, Laurent Kunda and Mutebusi who are said to be supported 
by the Rwandan government. A few days later, they withdrew back into 
Rwanda taking with them property looted from the city. It is reported 
that the rebels committed extensive human rights violations, notably 
rape, torture and killings of innocent civilians.

The following week, Eric Lenge, a Major serving within the special 
presidential guard (Garde Speciale de la Sécurité Présidentielle), 
appeared, at 2.30 that morning, on national television accompanied by 
about 20 soldiers and announced that the transition process was 
suspended forthwith. He also asked civilians to stay in their homes for 
their own safety.

They later went to the Tchatchi military camp where they were 
surrounded by security forces. About 8 of Lenge's men were arrested. 
The rest, including him, managed to escape arrest. Rumours had followed 
that Joseph Kabila, the transitional government President had been 
killed. Soon thereafter, Kabila appeared on national television as an 
attestation that he was alive and that the transitional mechanism was 
still in place. The security forces were tracking down Lenge and his 
men.

Azzarias Ruberwa, one of the four Vice Presidents, who is considered to 
have links to Rwanda, was suspected to have been behind the coup 
attempt. This has however not been confirmed. In all, the coup attempt 
has had a negative impact within the fragile transitional mechanisms. 
The little trust that was building within and among the government 
functionaries who belong to former warring parties has plummeted. The 
army has also seen far reaching changes within its high ranks.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: What impact will these recent events have on the 
transitional process and the build up to elections next year?

JYK: Despite the hope it has inspired in the DRC and elsewhere, the 
current institutional framework, which is supposed to prepare the 
country for the promised free and open elections to be held by summer 
2005 at the latest, remains very fragile. It is not easy to say with 
exactitude what will be the actual effect of these events. But one 
thing is for sure; the trust between the various elements in government 
has thinned.

In terms of the peace process, there should be mechanisms, including 
building of trust and an environment in which democratic elections can 
be held. It appears that there are certain elements who are keen to 
stall the process.
Cumulatively, the various incidents in the country such as the coup 
attempt, though isolated, may have the effect of undermining the 
process. Clearly, elections cannot be held under the current situation.

One reason that may be informing the current reticence is that if 
elections are held, it is unlikely that it will provide for a 
dispensation that ensures that the leaders of the various factions have 
a high office. For instance, there cannot be four Vice Presidents. What 
then will happen, will those who lose out stay in government? It is 
possible that the fear of losing such lucrative positions in the 
transitional government is behind efforts to slow or stall the march 
towards democratic elections.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: Much has been written about the tensions between the 
DRC and Rwanda? Have the reasons for these tensions been dealt with and 
how much of a factor do Rwanda - and Uganda for that matter - remain in 
the DRC, especially in the east of the country?

JYK: It is evident that Rwanda is largely behind the instability in 
Eastern DRC. A number of reasons inform the stance taken by Rwanda to 
support rebellion in this region: Initially, after the genocide, Rwanda 
justified their invasion by saying that they were pursuing genocidaires 
from the Habyarimana government who were said to have sought refuge in 
the DRC.
Afterwards, their continued stay, incursions and support of rebels is 
justifiable by a different, yet subtle set of reasons.

First, The RPF government has conceived of its role in the region as 
that of a leader. Rwanda aspires to be a regional powerbroker and 
leader. These hegemonic aspirations necessarily presuppose a 
belligerent stance against its neighbours.

Secondly, and most importantly, is the question of territory. As a 
small country, Rwanda sees a major problem if the Banyamulenge who live 
in eastern DRC have to go back to Rwanda. It is therefore a question of 
territory. Before the genocide, Rwanda was, and still is, one of the 
most densely populated countries on the continent. Owing to 
displacements in the genocide, land is a major issue in Rwanda.

Thirdly, it is for economic reasons. Rwanda is involved in the plunder 
of resources in the DRC: diamonds, coltan, gold and timber. This was 
partially the reason why, having come into the DRC with Uganda as 
allies, they later fell out and engaged in armed combat in Kisangani. 
Rwandan citizens are said to control vast economic interests in eastern 
Congo. Rwanda considers that it has an obligation to protect its 
citizens in the DRC.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: We read a lot in the press about the role and hard work 
of South Africa in brokering a peace deal in the DRC. But there has 
also been criticism from some quarters that the South Africans have 
papered over some issues, with the danger that the peace deal will not 
last. How do people in the DRC see South Africa's role and where have 
the South Africans gone wrong?

JYK: It is true that South Africa has been instrumental in putting in 
place the transitional government. Initially, people were very 
enthusiastic about its role in the DRC as the main engine driving the 
process.

Things have however changed. Firstly, there is a general feeling that 
it is not Congolese, or Rwandans who won the war (if the armed conflict 
can be considered as such), but South Africa. This is largely in 
economic terms. South African companies have since invested heavily in 
the DRC and are behind most explorations and other economic activities. 
Some even think that this could have been the driving force behind 
South Africa's fervent involvement in the process.

Secondly, South Africa, which should be concerned about the process 
they helped put in place, has not taken a stand on the incursions by 
Rwanda, and Rwanda's continued plunder of resources in the DRC and the 
commission of human rights violations against Congolese citizens. 
Congolese currently do not understand the role of South Africa anymore. 
South Africa seems to be eating from both tables: it gives the 
impression to Kinshasa that it is committed to the process yet 
maintaining a cozy relationship with Rwanda. They have failed to 
condemn the activities of Rwanda in eastern DRC.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: What is the human rights situation like in the DRC at 
present?

JYK: There has been little change in the human rights situation in DRC 
even after the transition process started. There are still massive 
violations of human rights: killings, rape, torture. This is 
particularly prevalent in eastern DRC. In Kinshasa, the unrest 
resulting from the attempted coup also brought with it violations, 
involving government security forces and members of various former 
rebel groups. The socio-economic aspects of life have equally not 
ameliorated. Salaries have gone unpaid, the health and education 
sectors are in bad shape.

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: To what extent does the DRC still suffer from the 
legacy of history in terms of slavery, colonialism and the Cold War and 
to what extent are the DRC's richness in natural resources a 
contributing factor to the present day situation of the country?

JYK: DRC's fate is linked to the Leopoldian legacy and imperialism of 
former colonial masters. The DRC is a victim of its own abundance; 
looters have, over the years come and gone, having enriched themselves. 
Leopold, who considered DRC his personal property, then Belgians who 
plundered and left the country in a situation in which it could not 
govern itself.

This opened the door for looters who have plied the country at their 
will. The effects of the Cold War are still reverberating. The American 
support of Mobutu entrenched a despotic leadership that has seen the 
deterioration of the country, so rich yet so poor and at war with 
itself. Kabila, though initially with good intentions to remove Mobutu, 
soon fell into the same grave of plunder and misrule, especially after 
those who supported him to remove Mobutu. Uganda and Rwanda staked 
their claim to the riches of the DRC. This led to the war between 
Kabila and rebels supported by the two. Then they came in themselves. 
Cornered, Kabila sought help from Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia. The 
visitors on their part started to plunder to finance the war 
initiative. Then come South Africa.

It appears that all who come to the DRC, ostensibly to help her from 
its troubles, have their own reasons for doing so, the riches! Those 
who come to mourn and to condone with the DRC are, in the process 
eying, through their 'tears' what to take home with them!

PAMBAZUKA NEWS: How to end impunity in the DRC?

JYK: That is a question. The raging war that began in 1998 caused 
hundreds of thousands of deaths among the civilian population and led 
to scenes of extraordinary violence. The International Criminal Court 
has announced that it will formally take up the Congolese case, but it 
will be unable to prosecute more than a few of the key figures 
responsible for the crimes committed. The Truth and Reconciliation 
Commission, one of the civilian institutions that emerged from the 
peace talks, is a different kind of instrument that focuses on 
forgiveness rather than punishment. We are therefore looking for a 
mechanism to address this issue.

* Please send comments to editor@pambazuka.org